Likewise, the /puk/ tokens were modified to have VOTs of approxim

Likewise, the /puk/ tokens were modified to have VOTs of approximately 70 msec (M = 69 msec, SD = 2). These values are as identical

to the means from Experiments 1 and 2 as was technically possible, and the difference between the means again mimics both exemplar sets in Rost and McMurray. For the half of the tokens naturally produced with VOTs shorter than 70 msec, aspiration was copied from the center of the aspirated period and spliced again into the sound file to increase the total VOT. For tokens with VOTs longer than 70 msec, aspiration was cut from the center of the aspirated period. Stimuli in the /buk/ category varied in length from 217 to 705 msec, selleck chemicals with a mean length of 425 msec (SD = 11). Stimuli in the /puk/ category varied in length from 339 to 765 msec, with a mean of 487 (SD = .11). The length of the vocalic portion (measured from voicing onset to closure) between the two categories did not differ (/buk/M = 237 msec, SD = 7; /puk/M = 220 msec, SD = .8, t = 1.09, p = .27), indicating that

the mean difference of 62 msec between the /buk/ and /puk/ word sets was caused by the experimentally manipulated VOT difference between them. The order of these items within and across trials was pseudo-randomized using a MATLAB script so that infants heard 36 different exemplars of each word in random sets of seven per trial during the habituation phase and seven (previously unheard) exemplars of each word in random order

during the test. These presentations were again at 2-sec Buparlisib nmr intervals for fixed habituation trials of 14 sec. Experimental set-up and procedures were identical to Experiment 1, with the exception that all tokens were equally probable (for a given word). Data were collected and analyzed in the same manner as in Experiment 1. Figure 2 displays the results. A repeated measures ANOVA revealed a main effect of test condition, F(2, 24) = 22.7, p < .001. Planned comparisons revealed that this effect was driven by the fact that infants looked to the switch trial (M = 7.16 sec, SD = 4.06) significantly longer than the same trial (M = 4.19 sec, SD = 1.98), F(1, 12) = 8.1, p = .015. Unlike Experiments 1 and Branched chain aminotransferase 2, they dishabituated to the switch: that is, they represented both words well enough to notice the misnaming. Similar to the prior experiments, infants also looked to the control trial (M = 9.63 sec, SD = 3.17) longer than the same and switch trials, F(1, 14) = 57.7, p < .001. Importantly, we found no effect of test order (F < 1) or switch test word (/buk/ or /puk/, F < 1), and no two- or three-way interactions (all F < 1). Dishabituation to the switch trials can not be attributed to test order or word preference. One concern was whether the highly salient speaker variability caused the infants in Experiment 3 to take longer to habituate than those in the prior experiments.

Comments are closed.